Calvin in the Hands of the Philistines:
Or, Did Calvin Bowl on the Sabbath?
By Chris Coldwell
Copyright 1998, Chris Coldwell
Thus it is that history is falsified and good men slandered
(David Hay Fleming)
Note: The author can say with certainty, from a note he discovered, that he
first read of this tale in a copy of David Hay Fleming’s Critical Reviews, which
he purchased from David C. Lachman on January 30, 1984. It did not take long for
him to run into the normal anti-Sabbatarian use of this tale. Later that year,
after an evening worship service at the church that would become the First
Presbyterian Church of Rowlett (FPCR), a fresh from seminary licentiate tried to
use the tale as an excuse against strict confessional Sabbatarianism. He was
referred to Hay Fleming; no doubt an unheeded piece of advice, as the man had
accepted the tale as fact on the word of his seminary professor. The author has
had an abiding interest in the tale ever since. Mr. Coldwell’s normal interest
and work has been in 17th Century Scottish Presbyterianism. Some of the more
important works he has edited are: James Durham, A Treatise Concerning Scandal
(Naphtali Press, 1990). George Gillespie, A Dispute Against the English Popish
Ceremonies (Naphtali Press, 1993). James Durham, Lectures on Job (Naphtali
Press, 1995). Anonymous Writings of George Gillespie (Presbyterian Treasury,
1998). Gillespie, An Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland
(Presbyterian Treasury, 1998). From 1988 to 1992 he edited and published through
Naphtali Press An Anthology of Presbyterian & Reformed Literature. Since 1992,
he has been editor of The Blue Banner, a newsletter published by FPCR, and he
continues work editing 17th century Presbyterian books for publication (D.V.).
He serves as the webmaster for fpcr.org.
Introduction
A remarkably durable anecdote about John Calvin, the great Protestant Reformer
of Geneva, is often related by those critical of the Puritan view of the
Sabbath.[1] The goal seems to be to demonstrate that the Reformers were not
tainted with that ‘pharisaical’ of strictness in observance of the Lord’s day –
particularly respecting abstinence from otherwise lawful sports and recreations
on that day. One Lord’s Day, it is said, the Scottish Reformer John Knox, paid a
visit to his friend Calvin in Geneva. The grave Scot found, to his surprise, as
the telling would seem to indicate,[2] the austere Reformer of Geneva engaged in
a game of bowls.[3]
There appears to be no good reason for the tale’s durability.[4] It has been
repeated and used uncritically by Seventh-day Adventist apologists,[5] Calvin
scholars who should know better, as well as by anti-Sabbatarian writers. Even
when the tenuous origin of the tale is clearly evident to some of these authors,
they still have boldly gone on to draw conclusions from it as if it were
factual. Much of this no doubt is due to partisan bias against Calvin, or
against strict views of Sabbath keeping, or both. However, surely those who hold
to the Reformed faith, and hold the Reformer in esteem, would hesitate to assume
as true a tale which runs counter to Calvin’s published opinion? If the Reformer
believed that sports and recreations on the Lord’s day were permissible, then
this tale would be merely a curiosity. Since that was not his belief, giving
countenance to the tale leaves him vulnerable to the charge of inconsistency if
not hypocrisy.
It is important to demonstrate the dubious nature of this tale as it clearly
affects how some interpret Calvin’s views. And while this article may not settle
the issue once and for all, an attempt has been made to draw together as much
material as possible to support this conclusion. No doubt some will think the
amount of data gathered is excessive, but the tale’s persistence calls for it.
And, as one author cited later writes regarding another matter, "it is a shame
not to know the whole of a small thing."
After briefly rehearsing Calvin’s view of sports and pastimes on the Lord’s day,
this article will survey the relevant literature. The reasons for focusing
mainly on English literature are practical ones. The author is not familiar
enough with French or Latin to facilitate an easy compassing of that literature.
While this may appear to be a significant oversight, as the main source for the
bowling anecdote traces it to a local tradition in Geneva, this very fact also
raises a strong probability that no evidence exists to be found that would
substantiate the tale.
But the English literature is important to survey because the anecdote has
spread and received currency since the 19th century in British and American
works on the Sabbath. Also, the controversy over the Puritan Sabbath in England
created an environment that produced events and literature that have more than a
tangential bearing on determining the verity of the tale. The Puritans made
appeals to Calvin’s position against recreation on Lord’s days. Those accused of
breaking the Sabbath by bowling, made counter-appeals to the permissive practice
of Geneva. And there is an apparent reference at the time of the Westminster
Assembly to Calvin bowling on the Lord’s day. So there is plenty of material in
the English literature to cover. Moving primarily backward in time, this will
require reviewing:
1. The 20th Century – Recent use of the bowling tale.
2. The 19th Century – The anecdote appears in literature.
3. The 17th Century – Searching for earlier references to this tale.
4. The 16th Century – Aylmer bowls, and Knox Visits Geneva.
Calvin’s View of Sports and Pastimes on the Lord’s Day
Calvin’s view of the fourth commandment is well summarized by James T. Dennison:
On John Calvin’s doctrine of the fourth commandment see especially Institutes of
the Christian Religion, II, viii. 28-34. The three points of his Sabbath
doctrine are: (1) Sabbath is a figure of spiritual rest in Christ; (2) Sabbath
serves as a day for public worship; (3) Sabbath serves as a day of rest for
servants and beasts. Perhaps the best study of Calvin’s view is Richard B.
Gaffin, Jr.’s unpublished Th. M. thesis, Calvin and the Sabbath (Philadelphia:
Westminster Theological Seminary, 1962). Calvin’s view may be called a
‘practical Sabbatarianism’ – an evaluation supported by the recent investigation
of John H. Primus … although Primus avoids the phrase.[6]
In his several writings on this topic, John Primus has probably done the most in
recent times to set the record straight on Calvin and Lord’s Day observance.[7]
He demonstrates clearly from Calvin’s 34th Sermon on Deuteronomy that while
Calvin’s doctrine of the fourth commandment differs from that of the Puritans,
the ethic of how one is to observe the day is similar.[8] Primus writes, "Calvin
calls for a literal, physical cessation of daily labor on the Lord’s Day, not as
an end in itself, but to provide time for worship of God. Recreational activity
should also be suspended, for such activity interferes with worship as certainly
as daily labor does. ‘If we spend the Lord’s day in making good cheer, and in
playing and gaming, is that a good honouring of God? Nay, is it not a mockery,
yea and a very unhallowing of his name?’"[9] Calvin
argues that the Sabbath should be used not only for public worship and "hearing
of sermons," but also that "we should apply the rest of the time to the praising
of God." By "the rest of the time" he apparently means the rest of the day of
worship, at least, the remainder of our waking hours. To use the Lord’s Day to
full advantage will aid us in the continued reflection on God’s works, which is
required throughout the week. It will "fashion and polish" us for the giving of
thanks to God "upon the Monday and all the week after." Conversely, if men
desecrate the Lord’s Day they are likely to "play the beasts all the week
after." So we should not only publicly hear the sermon, but privately reflect on
it. We must digest it and "bend all our wits to consider the gracious things
that God hath done for us." Calvin calls on God's people to "dedicate that day
wholly unto the him so as we may be utterly withdrawn from the world." Even
though we need not "keep the ceremony so straight as it was under the bondage of
the law," it is important for us to "consider how our Lord requireth to have
this day bestowed in nothing else, but in hearing of his word, in making common
prayer, in making confession of our faith, and in having the use of the
Sacraments."[10]
According to Calvin’s 34th sermon from Deuteronomy, recreations and games are to
be put away for the entire Lord’s day. If the bowling anecdote is true, we must
wonder if Calvin practiced what he preached? However, it is hoped the following
survey will show that little credit should be placed in this story, at least
until some firm evidence surfaces that indicates the story is more than hearsay.
It would be idle speculation to use the tale to form some opinion of Calvin’s
character. Certainly it should not be used to demonstrate his view of Lord’s day
observance, when he clearly has preached contrary to the looser practice the
tale has been used to support. We must rely on Calvin’s own words, not on what
amounts to an urban legend, which may merely be a very old lie.
1. The 20th Century – Recent use of the bowling tale
The "bowling story" has made its way into the Sabbath literature, often with the
presumption that it is fact, and this not just in the less critical sort, but
among the more scholarly as well. Some of the earlier writers at least give
reference back to the 19th century authors who are the source for the use of the
tale today. However, apparently a less careful approach is more common nowadays.
For instance, David Katz writes:[11] "Calvin made a point of playing at bowls on
Sunday to demonstrate his own attitude to the question." Katz’s support for this
is Robert Cox’s The Whole Doctrine of Calvin about the Sabbath (Edinburgh,
1860), p. 91.[12] However, Cox does not mention the bowling tale. Nor does he
there refer to the general practice of Geneva alleged by some to infer this
claim. As this paper hopefully will demonstrate, there is no strong evidence to
support the event even occurred, let alone that Calvin was consciously
condemning stricter observance in doing such a thing. This kind of bold appeal
to the tale is unfortunately more common than one would expect among scholars
and those who unquestioningly rely upon them.
Christopher Hill and Gary North
An instance of this is found in an appendix Gary North authored for R. J.
Rushdoony’s Institutes of Biblical Law. He writes, Calvin "went lawn bowling
after church on Sunday, a fact which later sabbatarians [sic] have chosen to
ignore."[13] For support North cites Christopher Hill’s Society and Puritanism
in Pre-Revolutionary England. Hill’s exact statement is:
So when Bownde published his notorious book in 1595, he was only extending a
thesis on which there had previously been considerable agreement. His position,
like that of Greenham, was substantially that of Calvin. The fact that Calvin
had played bowls on Sunday worried some of the more zealous Sabbatarians, who
did not approve of bishops who in this followed Calvin’s example."[14]
North accepts as gospel the latter statement that Calvin bowled on the Lord’s
day, but objects to the close association of Calvin with the Puritan view. He
writes: [15]
Hill erroneously attributes the later Puritan sabbatarian position to Calvin,
although he is forced to admit that Calvin’s willingness to bowl on Sunday
worried more zealous sabbatarians. Unlike Knappen, Hill shows little sign of
having read Calvin’s own writings on the sabbath. He writes in a footnote on the
same page that "[Richard] Baxter was also a little uneasy in his attempts to
explain away Calvin’s and Beza’s laxness." Hill, ibid., p. 170. It is perhaps
understandable that Hill, as a Marxist scholar specializing in 17th-century
English history, would not be familiar with the details of Calvin’s writings.
There is no excuse for the statement by Professor John Murray of Westminster
Seminary, in a desperate attempt to avoid the thrust of Calvin’s view of the
sabbath, that Calvin’s views have simply been misinterpreted. Murray’s Scottish
heritage just will not conform to Calvin’s "lax" teachings, so he has chosen to
rewrite Calvin. See Murray’s letter to the editor, The Presbyterian Guardian,
June, 1969.
North’s anti-Sabbatarian bravado rings hollow, and demonstrates a shallow grasp
of the relevant literature. This criticism of Murray is rather shameless.[16]
Unlike North, the professor knew something about the literature on this
subject.[17] Patrick Fairbairn and James Gilfillan were making the case that
Calvin’s view of the Sabbath had been misunderstood nearly 150 years ago. The
position was long established when Murray made his comment, and has since
received thorough attention by Calvin scholars such as John Primus.
North also places undo confidence in Knappen,[18] who himself places too much
confidence in the anti-Sabbatarian, Episcopalian authors such as Pocklington and
Cooper (see footnote 44). As they should not be relied upon without great care,
neither should Knappen, who blunders greatly in giving credit to Pocklington’s
easily refuted report, that Calvin once had a consultation about changing the
Lord’s day to Thursday. Hill makes this error as well (see below).[19]
As far as Hill’s statement, North has it exactly backwards! Actually, Hill is
wrong in giving credit to the idea that Calvin bowled on the Lord’s day, and
right in connecting the similarities between Calvin’s view and that of the
Puritans.
If Hill is taken to mean that the Puritan view and Calvin’s are in all points
"substantially" the same, then he is obviously wrong. However, it is clear Hill
is dealing with the notion of the Sabbath as a day set aside for worship, not to
idleness or a mere carnal rest. In that regard, the two views are essentially
the same. One need only read the quotations made from Calvin and Bownd to see
this is what Hill is comparing.[20]
True, Hill may not have been as familiar as necessary with Calvin’s writings to
avoid some mistakes. He was obviously not familiar enough with Calvin’s
Deuteronomy sermons to see the inconsistency in assuming Calvin bowled on the
Lord’s day. This is strange to say the least, as some of the authors Hill cites
directly contradict the idea that Calvin allowed recreations on the Lord’s day,
citing these sermons as proof.[21]
It is unclear whether Hill is extrapolating Calvin’s bowling practice from the
alleged general practice of Geneva, or was led to make that deduction by
knowledge of the bowling anecdote. He does not reference the tale at all, or any
of the usual sources that cite it, nor does he provide any direct evidence for
proving the "fact" that Calvin bowled on Sundays. His references are to works by
Laud, Heylyn and Cooper, which, again, only allege a general practice in
Geneva.[22] Baxter is also noted, but there is nothing in his work on the
Sabbath directly accusing Calvin himself of loose practices, but rather the
opposite.[23]
Hill refers to a quote in Marchant’s, The Puritans and the Church Courts in the
Diocese of York, which reads, "One interesting attestation was that he had said
that ‘it is not lawful to do anything on the Sabbath day whatsoever Mr. Calvin
had said to the contrary.’" This obviously has reference to Calvin’s writings
and not to some rumor of what he may have done on the Lord’s day. The he is one
John Crosse, who Marchant believed reflected a "more popular and slightly less
decorous Puritanism, which sometimes came under mild criticism." "Crosse was a
complete nonconformist." It was alleged against him (1617-18) that:
John Crosse hath publicly and privately taught and defended or maintained all or
most of the erroneous opinions following, viz. that all unpreaching ministers
are dumb dogs, and damned persons and whosoever goeth to hear them cannot be
saved; Item that no preacher sanctifies the Sabbath unless he preach twice every
Sabbath. Item, that it is not lawful to dress meat or do any such thing on the
Sabbath day…[24]
The earlier Puritans had distanced themselves from the similar excesses of
language in the Martin Marprelate tracts. Most if not all the Puritans writing
about the Sabbath, would have disagreed with the extreme view expressed here,
including Nicholas Bownd.[25]
The remaining reference Hill makes is to the Letters of Lady Brilliana
Harley.[26] She writes to her son, "I am halfe of an opinion to put your
brothers out to scoule. They continue still stife in theare opinions; and in my
aprehention upon samale ground. My feare is least we should falle into the same
error as Calluin did, whoo was so ernest in oposeing the popisch hollydays that
he intrenched upon the holy Saboth, so I feare we shall be so ernest in beateing
downe theare to much villifyeing of the Common Prayer Booke, that we shall say
more for it than euer we intended."[27]
This kind statement is not unique, that the Reformers overreacted against the
Sabbath in their dislike for holy days.[28] However, even assuming that weight
should be given the Lady’s opinion, it is unclear what is in view in this
"entrenching." There is really nothing in the statement that should lead one to
conclude Calvin would have bowled on the Lord’s day contrary to his preaching
from Deuteronomy.
It matters little whether Hill is merely concluding Calvin bowled on Lord’s days
based upon the alleged general practice of Geneva, or whether he also was aware
of the bowling anecdote. A knowledge of Calvin’s statements in the Deuteronomy
sermons should have given as much pause to draw the inference from the alleged
practice in general, as it should in attributing any truth to the myth itself.
Did Calvin Want to Change the Lord’s Day to Thursday or Friday?
As indicated earlier, Hill takes Pocklington’s charge much too seriously that
Calvin wanted to move the Lord’s day to Thursday.[29] This is another tale often
repeated that needs to be laid aside. In this case, Calvin actually has
responded to a similar charge that he wanted to move the Lord’s day to Friday.
He writes, "But a more serious charge is involved in the rumor that they have
diligently spread about, of my intentions to transfer the Lord’s day to the
Friday. The truth is, that, for my part, I have never shown the least sign of
lusting after such innovations, but very much the contrary."[30]
John T. McNeill
It is truly disappointing to find a Calvinist scholar such as John T. McNeill,
also making uncritical use of the bowling incident and drawing conclusions
regarding Calvin’s character from it. McNeill writes, "He not infrequently
joined in a game of quoits; a chance visitor reported that John Knox, calling at
his house once on a Sunday, found him playing bowls."[31]
McNeill provides no clear reference for the tale in The History and Character of
Calvinism. The manner of the book is to have little if any footnoting, referring
the reader to a long list of sources in the back. A partial check of most all
the works in English, and a few of the many French works (such as Doumerguer),
did not turn up a reference to the bowling anecdote. Apparently, either
Doumerguer[32] or Williston Walker[33] is McNeill’s source for Calvin’s playing
quiots. Walker writes:
Sometimes, chiefly when urged by his friends, he would play a simple game,
quoits, in his garden, or "clef" on the table in his living room. … But his few
recreations were briefly enjoyed.
For these facts Walker references the life of Calvin by Nicholas Colladon.[34]
He then cites Emile Doumergue, who references the same. "Doumerque, iii,
527-563, has made the utmost possible of this side of Calvin’s character. In the
game of clef the keys were pushed on a table, the aim being to bring each
contestant’s nearest to the further edge without falling off." Doumergue, who
"has made the utmost possible of this side of Calvin’s character," does not
mention the bowling incident in the section referenced by Walker, dealing with
"Calvin at Home." Nor does he mention it under his comments on the fourth
commandment in volume four of his monumental work. In the places cited in Vie de
Calvin par Nicolas Colladon, there is no mention of bowls on the Lord’s day.
Regarding Calvin playing games, Doumergue writes:
And Beza adds a last trait, which completes the others: Calvin did not retreat
before the familiarity of games. Without doubt, after his meals, most often he
walked a quarter hour, a half-hour at most, in the room, chatting with whomever
kept him company, then he retreated to his closet to study. But when his
"familiar friends" incited him, when "it came to pass and in familiar company,"
he recreated in playing "pallet, keys, or other sorts of lawful game by our laws
and not proscribed in this republic."[35]
Unfortunately, McNeill has proved to be a perpetuator of this Calvin myth. His
stature as a Calvin scholar evidently lends to an uncritical acceptance of the
bowling anecdote as fact. Raymond Blacketer writes regarding Calvin’s view of
recreation and the Sabbath:
John T. McNeill reports that Calvin was known to occasionally take some brief
time for himself in order to engage in various forms of amusement, even on the
Lord’s day! … Given the strict and too often legalistic Sabbatarian tendencies
of Calvinism, John Calvin’s actual view of the Lord’s day stands in striking
contrast. Later Calvinistic tradition and teaching with regard to the "Christian
Sabbath" does not at all reflect what the Reformer actually taught regarding the
Lord’s Day. John Calvin was no Sabbatarian.[36]
Blacketer cites John Primus for his contention that Calvin was no Sabbatarian.
But in making the above statement, he clearly ignored the demonstration by
Primus that Calvin’s ethic of Lord’s day observance amounted to a "practical"
Sabbatarianism, to use Dennison’s phrase.
Clearly scholars such as McNeill and Hill have directly or indirectly given
credibility to this anecdote, which has led lesser men to simply repeat it, who
in turn are uncritically relied upon by others. In this way the tale lives from
one generation to the next. This uncritical acceptance and reliance on the
bowling story is what makes tracing its history so necessary.
2. The 19th Century – The anecdote appears in literature.
While it is possibly an old tale in some form or fashion, it is not till the
19th century that the bowling anecdote debuts in English literature, in Isaac
Disraeli’s Life of Charles the First. [37] From there it found its way into the
Sabbath literature of the mid-19th century, and as shown, has continued to be
regularly referenced since that time.
David Hay Fleming
Early in the 20th century, David Hay Fleming pointed out some of the ways this
doubtful tale was spread. In his Knox in the Hands of the Philistines, Hay
Fleming reviewed William Law Mathieson’s Politics and Religion: a Study in
Scottish History from the Reformation to the Revolution (Glasgow, 1902). It
seems those who would put their hands to twist Calvin to support their bias
toward a looser view of Sabbath-keeping were not bashful about attempting the
same with the Scottish Reformer. Hay Fleming writes: [38]
Mr. Mathieson has a strong antipathy to what he calls ‘grim Sabbatarianism;’
and, in attempting to show that Knox was not imbued with it, he has betrayed the
superficial nature of his own acquaintance with the history of the period. He
says: "Knox on Sunday evening visited Calvin during a game of bowls, and with
several other guests enjoyed the hospitality of Randolph." His authority for
this statement is Dean Stanley’s Lectures on the History of the Church of
Scotland, p. 99. On turning to Dean Stanley, it will be found that his words
are: "He supped with Randolph on one Sunday evening, and visited Calvin during a
game of bowls on another;" and that the Dean’s authority is Hessey’s Bampton
Lectures, v. 269, 270.[39] On examining the passage in Hessey thus indicated, it
will be found that Knox did not partake of Randolph’s hospitality, but that he
and the Duke [of Chatelherault] partook of Knox’s. So far as the question of
Sabbath observance is concerned, it is immaterial in whose house they met; but
if Mr. Mathieson had been acquainted with Randolph’s letter, which has been
printed in extenso both by Stevenson and Wright, he would have escaped this
error, and would probably have hesitated before he adduced this little
supper-party as a proof of Knox’s disregard for the Sabbath. Had he turned up
Hessey he would have found that Dean Stanley has magnified the bowling incident.
Hessey’s words are: "Knox was the intimate friend of Calvin – visited Calvin,
and, it is said, on one occasion found him enjoying the recreation of bowls on
Sunday." As his authority Hessey quotes Disraeli as saying: "At Geneva a
tradition exists, that when John Knox visited Calvin on a Sunday, he found his
austere coadjutor bowling on a green." Neither by Hessey nor Disraeli is it
implied that Knox expected to find Calvin so engaged; and for the story there is
no higher authority than late local tradition. Both Dean Stanley and Mr.
Mathieson have been far outstripped by a learned Scotsman, who, in a recent
article, introduced the statement that Knox occasionally took part in a round of
golf on Sabbath afternoon. On being asked for his authority, the writer frankly
acknowledged that he had none; but declined to delete the statement, because, as
he thought, it helped to lighten an article which was too technical to be
generally interesting! Thus it is that history is falsified and good men
slandered.
Mathieson and Stanley opposed what Mathieson referred to as grim Sabbatarianism.
To recast Knox to their point of view, they distort one historical account, the
supper with Randolph, and overstate the verity of the bowling story, which the
secondary source (Hessey) and the original source (Disraeli) clearly portrayed
as hearsay, though they certainly did not treat it as such.
Isaac Disraeli
As noted, Isaac Disraeli receives the credit (or blame) for bringing this
doubtful tale into anti-Sabbatarian literature. The following is Disraeli’s
comment in context: [40]
Calvin deemed the Sabbath to have been a Jewish ordinance, limited to that
sacred people with their other ceremonial laws, and only typical of the
spiritual repose of the advent of Christ, which abolished the grosser, rejected
its rigours, and reproaches those whose Sabbatical superstitions were carnal and
gross as the Jewish.[41] At Geneva a tradition exists, that when John Knox
visited Calvin on a Sunday, he found his austere coadjutor bowling on a green.
At this day, and in that place, a Calvinist preacher after his Sunday sermon
will take his seat at the card-table. Some of our early Puritans who had taken
refuge in Holland, after ten years in vain pressing for the observance of the
Sabbatic Sunday, resolved to leave the country where they had been kindly
received and went "to the ends of earth" among the wildernesses of America, to
observe "the Lord’s day" with the Jewish rigours.[42] When Laud was charged on
his trial for the revival of the Book of Sports allowed on that day, he thought
it prudent to deny that he had been the suggester; he however professed his
judgment in its favour, alleging the practice of their own favourite church of
Geneva.[43]
It may surprise us that two of the great friends of Calvin, closely connected
with him, and with his system, should have espoused a very opposite doctrine.
Knox in Scotland after Sunday having been for 1554 years classed among the
festival days, both in the Greek and the Latin churches, as the
Anti-sabbatarians maintain, Knox no longer calling this day the Lord’s-day, but
taking some Jew for its godfather, named it the Sabbath, and thus disguised its
nature and custom.[44] Knox acquired many advocates in England. Whittingham the
Puritan Dean of Durham, who had resided at Geneva … likewise differed with his
brother, and on his return home appears to have had his mind imbued with a full
portion of the spirit of his Scottish friend. This redoubtable Puritan evinced
his zeal by defacing the antique monuments in Durham Cathedral, and converting
the stone coffins of the Priors of Durham into horse-troughs. Whittingham was a
rigid Sabbatarian…
No unbiased historian here! Disraeli’s work is firmly anti-Puritan, anti-Calvin,
anti-Presbyterian and outspokenly anti-Sabbatarian. The author has three
chapters on the Sabbath controversy in the third volume of his work.[45]
Disraeli’s distaste for Calvin and his "horrible theology" is exhibited in
footnote 43. His anti-Calvinism is displayed fully in an earlier chapter,
Critical History of the Puritans: Of the Political Character of Calvin.[46]
Disraeli’s vehemence exceeds, if possible, that of the prelatical polemicist
Peter Heylyn (see page 23), who seems to be his teacher in these things, as the
vitriol they pour forth is very similar. In any event, he clearly states that
the bowling tale is a local tradition. However, as others do after him, Disraeli
failed to consider the Deuteronomy sermons, and uses this ‘local legend’ to
bolster his anti-Sabbatarian sentiments. Thus the "bowling anecdote" had a less
than auspicious entrance into the Sabbath literature.[47]
Gilfillan and Cox
Some forty years before Mathieson and Hay Fleming wrote, two other men took
sides on this issue of supposed lax Sabbath observance on the part of Knox and
Calvin (and the Reformers in general). James Gilfillan and Robert Cox both wrote
detailed surveys of the literature on the Sabbath controversy. Gilfillan’s The
Sabbath viewed in the light of Reason, Revelation, and History, with Sketches of
its Literature (New York, [1862]), argued that the Reformers had a more strict
practice than was commonly noted. Cox took the opposite view in his The
Literature of the Sabbath Question (Edinburgh, 1865, 2 vols). These two surveys
are very commonly cited in Sabbath and anti-Sabbath literature. Cox had
previously written, The Whole Doctrine of Calvin about the Sabbath (Edinburgh,
1860) and Sabbath Laws and Sabbath Duties considered in relation to their
natural and scriptural grounds, and to the principles of religious liberty
(Edinburgh, 1853).
The title of Cox’s first work, Sabbath Laws and Sabbath Duties, is a bit
misleading. It is really a short article with some very long appendices. The
article is titled "A Plea for Sunday Trains on the Edinburgh and Glasgow
Railway." Cox was a shareholder in this railway and acted as secretary for a
group of Scottish and English shareholders who petitioned the company to follow
other railroads in opening on Sundays.. He was an anti-Sabbatarian in his views,
and believed in a broad religious toleration.[48]
In his Whole Doctrine Cox compiled all the statements pertinent to Calvin’s view
on the Sabbath question from his Commentaries, Institutes and Genevan Catechism.
Surely, it must have been of some embarrassment to Cox, after titling this book,
The Whole Doctrine of Calvin about the Sabbath, to find (supposedly via
Gilfillan’s book[49]) that he had made a serious omission in not including
quotations from the Deuteronomy sermons. He tried to correct this oversight in
his later book surveying the literature, but chose rather to complain that
Gilfillan should have said the sermons were published after Calvin’s death, [50]
than admit to the significance of the oversight. [51]
Cox was decidedly partial in his reading of Calvin’s statements in these
sermons. In the appendix to volume one of his Literature of the Sabbath
Question, he reproduces a "characteristic passage" from the 34th sermon (since
the sermons were so rare). He quotes Calvin "… we must consider (as I said
afore) how our Lord requires to have this day bestowed in nothing else but in
hearing of his Word, in making common prayer, in making confession of our faith,
and in having the use of the sacraments." Cox not only refused to own the
seriousness of his missing the sermons the first time around, he clearly was
unwilling to grant the significance of these statements, particularly the phrase
"in nothing else." Indeed he is willing to overlook (evidently as
uncharacteristic) the significant citation by Gilfillan which occurred a few
pages earlier (see footnote 49), and apparently was unwilling to confront the
implications it held for his view of Calvin.
A careful analysis and refutation of Cox’s work is way beyond the scope of this
article. But more to the point at hand, it is significant to this survey that
neither Cox nor Gilfillan mention the bowling anecdote. This may have been
because they would not give cognizance to something so unsubstantiated.[52] Cox
does chide those who ignorantly repeated another statement by Disraeli,[53] as
he was strongly in disagreement with the idea that Knox was the father of the
Puritan Sabbath, and he makes as much as Mathieson did of Knox’s supper party
with Randolph.[54]
While there is related literature that is of some interest to examine, the only
other reference to directly link Calvin to lawn bowling on the Lord’s day prior
to Disraeli, appears at the time of the Westminster Assembly. Except for one
work noticed below, the entire 18th century is passed over.
3. The 17th Century – Searching for earlier references.
As was said previously, it appears the anecdote dates from an earlier time than
it first appears in print in the English literature. The earliest apparent
reference to the tale may be in the Notes of Debates and Proceedings of The
Assembly of Divines and Other Commissioners at Westminster, by George
Gillespie.[55] Recorded there are Gillespie’s notes of "Debates in the
Sub-Committee Respecting the Directory" [of Worship]. Halfway under the notes
for June 5, 1644, in a discussion of qualifications for admittance to the Lord’s
Supper, Gillespie writes:
For qualification of those that are to be admitted [to the Lord’s Table],
because there was nothing positively concerning their conversation, it was
added, That they shall be of an approved conversation [i.e. manner of life.].
Mr. Goodwin objected, Moral Christians have all that is here expressed, and that
there ought [to be] somewhat more, which may be judged grace in the judgment of
charity; and that he thinks the ordinance more profaned heretofore by persons
than it hath been by all the superstitious; that a man is to be judged,
according to his inward principle professed, rather than by any outward duty,
else one should call in question whether Calvin were a godly man, because he
played at the bowls on the Lord’s day; that the word gives us rules to judge,
not only of ourselves, but of others.
He offered this clause, That they be such as profess a work of faith and
regeneration.
I said, Many presumptuous sinners will profess this, and many weak believers
will not profess it, and that it seems he hath no doubting Christians in his
congregation.
Mr. Henderson offered this, That they be such as are conceived, in the judgment
of charity, to be walking in the way of Christ.
Then he and Mr. Marshall offered thus, And who give just ground, in the judgment
of charity, to conceive that there is wrought in them the work of faith and
regeneration.
The particular discussion is not important to the scope of this article (the
difference between the Independents and Presbyterians about basing church
membership upon regeneration seemingly spilling over into this question on
qualifications for coming to the Lord’s Table). As for the comment on Calvin,
all that really can be said is that Goodwin may be building an argument upon the
supposition that the story is true. But did he believe the tale to be true? Did
he intend it as a real example or a fictitious one? Is this evidence of a strong
oral tradition for the tale at this date? Who can say for sure? Unfortunately,
Gillespie doesn’t make any comment on the tale, but sticks to briefly recording
the main points in discussion. Note the tale does not include Knox, so it is not
even clear if this is the same story. It may really be the case that Goodwin is
making a sarcastic reference to the claims by Laud and others at the time, that
they were merely following the alleged general practice of Geneva in allowing
recreations on the Lord’s day. It is a very interesting coincidence that on June
11th, a few days following this subcommittee meeting, Laud utters just such a
justification in the session of his trial that took place on that day.[56]
One may be tempted to posit that this could be the source for the tale. However,
these minutes long remained in manuscript, and were not published until 1846,
two hundred years after the fact. And this writer has found no reference to
Goodwin’s comment in what little in print there is of this controversy. As was
said earlier, it appears to be the case, that aside from Goodwin’s questionable
reference, the tale did not enter into print until the 19th century via
Disraeli. However, to try and verify this, other literature needs to be
surveyed.
Sabbath Literature and Geography books
Pouring over every 17th century title would be like searching for a needle in a
haystack, and would be a questionable use of one’s time. However, limiting the
search to two types of literature provided the best chance of uncovering any
reference, or pertinent material related to this tale. This does not rule out
the possibility the tale is repeated in other literature, but silence in these
two groupings would be rather significant. The two types of literature are: 1.
Books regarding the Sabbath. 2. Geographies of the period that discuss Geneva.
1. The Sabbath controversy exploded into the English literature in the late 16th
century with the publication of Nicholas Bownd’s works. [57] It is true the
"Puritan" view had earlier proponents,[58] but Bownd’s book proved to be the
landmark work, and most historians pinpoint the beginning of the "Sabbath
controversies" in England with him. A minute and exhaustive review of the
Puritan Sabbath literature would expand the length and work required for this
article beyond reason. As it is, none of the major early works in favor of the
Sabbath mention the bowling anecdote.[59] Additionally, it is not mentioned in
any of the Sabbatarian books following the lifting of the press ban that began
with the reissue of the Books of Sports.[60] However, lest a Sabbatarian book
was missed here or there, it is not as critical to search every one of these, as
the likelihood of the tale being mentioned is greater in the anti-Sabbath
literature. Of particular interest among the anti-Sabbatarian works are those
published between 1633 and 1640, as they ostensibly are a defense of the Second
Book of Sports. Significantly, none of the anti-Sabbatarian books printed
between 1605 and 1667, mention the tale, including this important group. [61]
Generally the focus of the Sabbath controversy in the latter half of the 17th
century shifted away from the strictness of observance, to the day of
observance. With the Saturday Sabbath writers coming more into prominence, the
likelihood of the tale receiving notice diminishes.[62]
Peter Heylyn and the Practice of Geneva
2. While the bowling tale is not mentioned in any of the works surveyed, one
author defended Sabbath recreations by appealing to the general practice of
Geneva. Peter Heylyn, a defender of the Book of Sports, does this in his preface
to Prideaux’s The Doctrine of the Sabbath, and in his own work, History of the
Sabbath. He also repeats it in his two geography books, and in his History of
the Presbyterians.[63] In the preface to Prideaux he says:
Even in Geneva itself, according as it is related in the enlargement of Boterus
by Robert Johnson, All honest exercises, shooting in pieces, long bows,
crossbows, etc. are used on the Sabbath day and that both in the morning before
and after sermon: neither do ministers find fault therewith, so that they hinder
not from hearing of the word at the time appointed.[64]
The source of Heylyn’s comment about crossbows and shooting on the Lord’s day is
from a geography of the late 16th century by Giovanni Botero (translated by
Robert Johnson, who added material, including that covering Geneva). The comment
by Johnson is:[65]
The town is very well peopled, especially with women; insomuch as they commonly
say, that there are three women for one man, yielding this for a reason, that
the wars have consumed their men, they reckon some 16,000 of all sorts….
All honest exercises, as shooting pieces, crossbows, longbows, etc. are used on
the Sabbath day, and that in the morning both before and after the sermon,
neither do the ministers find any fault therewith, so that they hinder not from
hearing the word at the appointed time.
Other geographies of the time do not mention this, but do point out, as does
Johnson, the constant danger Geneva faced from her enemies.[66] Geneva survived
some serious attacks, the most famous of which occurred in 1602. An attack that
began on Saturday night and Sunday morning was successfully turned back, and the
captured enemy were executed that Sunday afternoon. Geneva still celebrates this
victory, the Escalade, as a major holiday. Duval in his geography remarks that
"Geneva is the best fortified city of all [those in the area], keeping a very
exact guard for the preservation of their liberty and that of religion which is
reformed."[67] Clarke relates that the citizens of Geneva successfully repulsed
an attack by quickly getting to their arms, and remarks, and "this hot Camiscado
hath made them of Geneva stay better upon their guard ever since."[68]
As indicated above, Peter Heylyn also authored two geographies, where he again
repeated the claim by Johnson.[69] He writes: "They allow in this city all
manner of honest recreations upon Sundays."[70] "In respect hereof though the
ministers are very strict in forbidding dancing, and have writ many tracts
against it; yet to give some content to the common people (who have not leisure
to attend it at other times) they allow all manlike exercises on the Lord’s day,
as shooting in pieces, long bows, crossbows, and the like, and that too in the
morning both before and after sermon; so it be no impediment to them from coming
to the church at the times appointed."[71]
Much like Disraeli, Heylyn wears his bias openly, and the characterization in
his geography of the discipline and practice of Geneva is outrageous. [72] The
Archbishop of Armaugh, James Ussher no less, had this heavy criticism of his
geography:[73]
… but that either that the Articles of Ireland were ever called in, or any
articles or canons at all were ever here confirmed by Act of Parliament may well
be reckoned among Dr. Hylin’s fancies which show what little credit he deserves
in his Geography, when he brings us news of the remote parts of the world, that
tells us so many untruths of things so lately, and so publicly acted in his
neighbor nation.
Much later, Andrew Le Mercier, pastor of the French church in Boston in his
account of Geneva, writes regarding Heylyn:[74]
I do not wonder at all that popish writers, when they treat of Geneva, are very
partial and invent a multitude of falsehoods and absurdities; because they hate
its religion … On the other hand I cannot but wonder that some Protestant
English writers have writ with so much passion, ignorance and partiality against
the church and the place, when in their geopraphie books they have mentioned it,
as when a certain author, dead long ago, saith, that the people expelled the
Bishop: and gives to understand, that they are hypocrites, when he says that
their discipline is the fruit of faction …
Le Mercier wrote in 1732, and according to his preface, relied on Spon’s
geography.[75] But he had also been to Geneva earlier in his life. He does not
mention the bowling anecdote, but affirms: "I have been more particular in this
description because I think that it is a shame not to know the whole of a small
thing; and that it may please some persons who can never find such circumstances
in other books. I must add, that the peasants are trained upon the Sabbath day,
which I leave the Reader to judge whether it be a laudable practice."[76]
Heylyn Answered
Heylyn drew the attention of many of the Puritan authors who chose to write on
the Sabbath after the freedom of the press was restored. In answer to his appeal
to the practice of Geneva for Lord’s day recreation, it was objected that it was
very unseemly to plead the example of Geneva when they themselves saw the evil
of such, since at the Synod of Dort such recreations were condemned.[77] Twisse
believed Heylyn drew an unwarranted implication from the list of activities
reported by Johnson,[78] and thought the activities mentioned were no more than
might be pleaded as necessary for the defense of a city that was in constant
peril.[79] The report that Twisse had was that only the youth practiced shooting
in the evening, and no more.
Twisse’s report brings out the partisan nature in the accounts regarding the
practice of Geneva. A difficulty for the prelates, who depended upon Heylyn’s
account from Johnson, is that it is obvious that Geneva’s practice did not
remain static. The practice of the city apparently changed greatly between the
time of Johnson’s report, through the early 17th century via Dort, to the time
of Twisse around 1640.
In addition to these faults found in Heylyn, the Puritans also appealed to
Calvin’s views in response to the alleged practice of Geneva. Twisse found it
difficult to believe Heylyn’s report, writing:
And I have cause to come but slowly to the believing hereof, because it is
Calvin’s doctrine concerning the Sabbath, that albeit under the gospel we are
not bound to so rigorous a rest as the Jews were, yet that still we are obliged
to abstain from all other works, as they are Avocamenta à sacris studiis &
meditationibus, Avocations from holy studies and meditations; and their
ministers, I should think do not well if they fail to mind them hereof, unless
both they and the people are fallen from Calvin’s doctrine in this point, in
which case I see no just cause why any should choke us therewith, but give us as
much liberty to dissent from him in the doctrine of the Sabbath, as they of
Geneva take unto themselves.[80]
George Hakewill,[81] explicitly brings Calvin’s Deuteronomy sermons into the
argument against recreations on the Lord’s day:
Some reformed Churches in other parts may perchance give way to the use of them
on the Lord’s day, which in them is somewhat the more excusable, because they
have none other holy days, though for my own part I think it better if they had,
yet that the very same Pastors of those churches who admitted or connived at the
use of such manlike exercises, as severely cried down effeminate sports on that
day, let one speak for all: "If we employ the Sunday," says Calvin, "to make
good cheer, to sport ourselves, to go to games and pastimes, shall God in this
be honored, is it not a mockery? Is this an unhallowing of his Name?" [In Deut.
5, Sermon 34).[82]
Richard Baxter
Of all the Puritan authors answering Heylyn, Richard Baxter appears to assume
the most fault to Calvin for supposedly allowing others to do more on the Lord’s
day than he should have. However, he provides no references to any statements by
Calvin to substantiate this,[83] and more to the point, there seems an implicit
denial that Calvin himself had a more lax observance of the Lord’s day:
Obj: But by all this you seem to cast a great reproach on Calvin, Beza, and most
of the great divines of the foreign churches, who have not been so strict for
the observation of the Lord’s day.
Answ. Let these things be observed by the impartial reader. 1. It cannot be
proved to be most of them, that were so faulty herein as the objection
intimates. Many of them have written much for the holy spending of the day. 2.
It must be noted, that it is a superstitious ceremonious sabbatizing which many
of them write against, who seem to the unobservant to mean more. 3. And you must
remember that they come newly out of Popery, and had seen the Lord’s day and a
superabundance of other human holy days imposed on the church to be
ceremoniously observed, and they did not all of them so clearly as they ought
discern the difference between the Lord’s day and those holy days or church
festivals; and so did too promiscuously conjoin them in their reproofs of the
burdens imposed on the church. And it being the Papists’ ceremoniousness and
their multitude of festivals that stood all together in their eye, it tempted
them to too undistinguishing and inaccurate a reformation. 4. And for Calvin you
must know that he spent every day so like to a Lord’s day, in hard study, and
Prayer, and numerous writings, and public preachings, or lecturings and
disputings, either every day of the week, or very near it, scarce allowing
himself time for his one only spare meal a day, that he might the easilier be
tempted to make less difference in his judgment between the Lord’s day and other
days, than he should have done, and to plead for more recreation on that day for
others, than he took any day himself.
Lacking any firm evidence to the contrary, it appears Baxter was being more
apologetic for Calvin than was called for, and perhaps not opposing Heylyn as
firmly as he should have on this point. It may be Baxter was extrapolating from
Calvin’s behavior in general.[84] Or this simply may be another point at which
Baxter used poorer judgment than he ought to have in this work.[85]
The Practice of Bowling
But what about bowling? Two incidents explicitly tie the recreation of lawn
bowling to the practice of Geneva; one from the 17th century and one from the
late 16th century. Two famous prelates offered this excuse when they were
charged with immorality for playing at bowls on the Lord’s day: ‘It was a common
practice in Geneva.’
John Laud
The subject of bowls on the Lord’s day and of Calvin’s view of Sabbath
recreations came up during the trial of John Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury. In
the session of his trial that took place on June 11, 1644, Laud defends himself,
and claims to have had a strict observance of the Lord’s day, though he also
defended the recreations as authorized by the Second Book of Sports from the
practice of Geneva. [86] The Commons replied that his practice was not very
strict, that the Book authorized even unlawful pastimes, and appealed to Calvin
against the alleged practice of Geneva.[87] Prynne more fully brings this out
both in his report of Laud’s defense,[88] and of the Commons reply:
Moreover, some of the recreations mentioned in it [the book of Sports] are not
very lawful upon any day, though the Archbishop affirms the contrary; but
certainly unlawful on any part of the Lord’s day, even after evening Prayer, as
fathers, councils, Imperial laws, and both Protestant and Popish writers have
resolved.[89] The pretended practice of Geneva which he alleges, is but a
hearsay without proof, borrowed from Peter Heylyn’s profane History of the (he
should have said NO) Sabbath (part 2, c. 6, sect. 6, 8, 9), who yet informs us
(sect. 9) that "Dancing hath been condemned by French synods and writers" (as
well Protestant as Popish) which yet the Declaration for sports in terminis
allows of on the Lord’s day, contrary to the practice and judgment of Geneva. As
for Mr. Calvin himself, though he differs in some particulars touching the
morality of the fourth commandment from other of our divines, yet he in express
words condemns dancing and pastimes on the Lord’s day, not deeming it a Jewish
superstition or rigidity to prohibit such sports thereon, especially dancing, as
his 71 sermon upon Job proclaims to all the world, and other Geneva ministers
since him, have done the like….[90]
Laud added bowling to the list of items Heylyn reported; a report Prynne
believed to be hearsay. Which party was the most correct as to the actual
practice of Geneva is difficult to say for sure, though the veracity of Heylyn
and Laud is more suspect. However, even if Laud’s claim were true, it would not
say anything directly to Calvin’s view, which Prynne clearly adduced in answer
to the appeal to Geneva’s practice. The most that could be said is that Calvin
may have had good reason to exhort to a stricter observance of the day, assuming
Geneva’s practice had remained the same from Calvin’s day to the time of Laud
(which seems doubtful).
4. The 16th Century – Alymer bowls and Knox visits Geneva.
John Aylmer
The other prelate to offer Geneva as an excuse for lawn bowling on the Lord’s
day was John Aylmer, bishop of London (1521-1594). Aylmer was promoted to
archdeacon of Stow but retired to Zurich under Mary’s persecution. He thus was a
contemporary of Calvin and the other Marian exiles like Knox. He wrote a
"refutation" against the latter’s First Blast of the Trumpet.[91] He is highly
eulogized by the Episcopalian side. After becoming Bishop of London, he
persecuted Puritans as severely as he punished Romanists, and became a target of
pamphlets by the infamous Martin Marprelate, which charged him with immorality
and misconduct. Strype has recorded his answer to two of these charges:
They charged him further, that he was a defender of the breach of the Sabbath,
and that he used to play at bowls on those days. And that he was a swearer,
because he used to say sometimes, ‘By my faith.’ As to these last imputations,
the Bishop thus either justified or excused himself: that he never withdrew
himself from service or sermon on the Lord’s Days. That Christ, the best
expositor of the Sabbath, said, that ‘the Sabbath was made for man, and not man
for the Sabbath.’ That man might have his meat dressed for his health upon the
Sabbath; and why might he not have some convenient exercise of his body for the
health thereof on that day? Indeed it was the general custom in those days, both
at Geneva, and in other places where Protestants inhabited, after the service of
the Lord’s day was over, to refresh themselves with bowling, walking abroad, or
other innocent recreations. And the Bishop followed that which in his travels
abroad he had seen ordinarily practiced among them.[92]
Assuming that he is stating the truth, Aylmer does not claim that Calvin bowled
on the Lord’s day, but that many did. This is the significance of the statements
of Alymer and Laud. Neither appealed in a coup de grâce to Calvin’s practice,
when they already clearly were willing to appeal to the example of men in
general. No doubt if the story were known in either’s time, they would have used
it in their defense. In particular, the whole silence of the Laudian
anti-Sabbatarian party on this tale indicates they were not aware of it. Or if
they were aware of it, they put no credence in it. If so, as ruthless and
underhanded as they were, what does that say of later authors who have used the
tale uncritically in their writings against Sabbatarianism?
Knox in Geneva and Calvin’s 34th Deuteronomy Sermon
But could the event have occurred as alleged? The key facts to contend with in
the story are the act, the participants, and the time. For the participants, it
is a matter of historical record that Knox and Calvin knew each other. For the
time, they could have visited each other on many occasions, as Knox was in
Geneva for extended stays more than once.
Knox first visited Geneva, August to October 1554. He went to the Frankfort
pastorate and arrived there by the second week of November 1554. When the
troubles in Frankfort got out of hand, he was forced to leave there and was back
in Geneva between April and August 1555. He returned again in September, at
which time he stayed two years before leaving for good for Scotland and the
Reformation there.[93] So Knox easily could have visited Calvin on many Lord’s
days. Finding him engaged in the act of bowls on a Lord’s day is the
questionable part of the tale.
Bowls was a popular sport at the time, and it was not unheard of that Calvin
would indulge in some small recreation on occasion, though only briefly and then
at the behest of friends as said.[94] Other than the tale itself, no material
surveyed for this article indicated that Calvin engaged in bowls for recreation.
However, it is a skill game like quiots, which he did play.
But, not only do the admonitions in Calvin’s 34th sermon from Deuteronomy cast
grave doubt on the truth of this tale, the time when he preached that sermon
raises difficulties as well. It is certainly interesting to say the least that
Calvin preached this sermon on June 20, 1555, in the middle of the time frame
during which the incident could have taken place.
Pinpointing the tale after the preaching of that sermon is certainly problematic
as there is zero evidence that Calvin softened or retracted his views as stated
on that date. The Harmony of the four last books of Moses, was the labor of the
last year of his life (1563), and there is nothing therein that appears
contradictory of the earlier statement in the Deuteronomy sermon. While he
doesn’t make the same detailed application, the principle is still expressed:
"On this ground He did not merely wish that people should rest at home, but that
they should meet in the sanctuary, there to engage themselves in prayer and
sacrifices, and to make progress in religious knowledge through the
interpretation of the Law. In this respect we have equal necessity for the
Sabbath with the ancient people, so that on one day we may be free, and thus
better prepared to learn and to testify our faith."[95]
What about the supposition the bowling incident may have occurred before the
Deuteronomy sermon? In this case it would simply show Calvin adopting a stricter
practice and there is no appearance of hypocrisy. Maybe Calvin repented upon an
admonition from Knox, as unappealing to some like Robert Cox as that thought
might be? However, there is no clear evidence that Calvin’s statements in his
Deuteronomy sermons are a progression over earlier views. There is nothing in
the earlier writings that would seem any more incompatible with his strict
observance of the day, than in his later writings.[96]
Conclusion
In bringing this winding trail through the pertinent literature to a close, the
question must be asked, is the story true or is this "strong oral tradition"
merely a very old lie? Obviously the negative cannot be proved, that Calvin did
not bowl on Sundays. The story could be true. Perhaps the story has some root in
fact but is all out of proportion to what really occurred. Perhaps Calvin was
simply careless one Lord’s day. Perhaps at the importunity of friends, he
allowed himself to take part in an activity he would normally condemn. Many
things are conceivably possible. But lacking any explicit verification, it
really seems very unlikely that it did occur. Need it be said that in all
justice the accusation must be proved that Calvin did bowl on the Sabbath? Or is
Calvin guilty until proven innocent?
The origin of the tale may well rest in an unwarranted assumption that because
many in Geneva may have recreated and even bowled on the Lord’s day, that Calvin
himself did likewise. However, as has been demonstrated, Calvin’s opinion is
clearly incompatible with such an assumption. The truth of the tale is very
doubtful. It is not mentioned in any of the Sabbatarian literature surveyed from
1583 till the year 1824 when Disraeli issued it forth, and his statement that
this tale was a tradition might indicate that no firm evidence will be found to
confirm the origin of the tale. Also, as useful as a direct appeal to the tale
would have been, the story was not repeated by Laud or Aylmer, eager as they
were to appeal to the general practice of Geneva in defense of their Sabbath
recreations. The fact that the Puritans refuted this defense from the general
practice of Geneva by referring to Calvin’s opposition to Sabbath recreations,
would seem to be a natural set up for an objection using this tale if it had
been circulating at that time. Also, the story is not mentioned in the seven
volume life of Calvin by Doumerguer, nor in those by contemporaries such as
Colladon (or Beza[97]). Even the seeming support from the comment by Goodwin
raises more questions than answers.
Calvin should be afforded the courtesy to speak for himself, and the tendency
some have toward using the bowling myth to reinterpret him should be abandoned.
While some evidence may be found in future to verify the tale, it seems
unlikely. But, until such evidence is found, let us take the Reformer at his
word that we should "dedicate that day wholly unto him so as we may be utterly
withdrawn from the world." "If we spend the Lord’s day in making good cheer, and
in playing and gaming, is that a good honouring of God? Nay, is it not a
mockery, yea and a very unhallowing of his name?"[98]
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Footnotes
[1] This article is not a study of Sabbath views per se. See the following works
for analysis of the Puritan and of Calvin’s view. James T. Dennison, The Market
Day of the Soul: the Puritan Doctrine of the Sabbath in England 1532-1700
(Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1983). James Gilfillan, The Sabbath
viewed in the light of Reason, Revelation, and History, with Sketches of its
Literature (New York, [1862]). Richard B. Gaffin, Jr. Calvin and the Sabbath
(Philadelphia: Westminster Theological Seminary, 1962). See also the works by
John Primus on page *, footnote .
[2] Whether Knox is portrayed as surprised seems to depend on whether the author
repeating the tale is intent on not only casting Calvin as holding to much
‘looser’ Sabbath views than the Puritans, but the Scottish Reformer as well. The
tale varies. One version relates that a chance visitor reported it. Others add
that it was a Lord’s day afternoon. One of the most recent and more cautious
references to the tale is by Tom Schwanda in his article, "The Unforced Rhythms
of Grace, A Reformed Perspective on Sabbath," Perspectives, vol. 11, no. 3
(March 1996), pp. 14-17. He writes:
While Calvin appears to see recreation as inappropriate for Sundays, a strong
oral tradition often repeated insists his actual practice was less severe. I
have endeavored to trace the authenticity of this reference to no avail.
However, the most frequent references indicate that when John Knox visited
Calvin in Geneva he finally found him lawn bowling that Sunday afternoon. Once
again it must be acknowledged there are no footnotes to substantiate this
possibility.
[3] Bowls is an old game played on a smooth green lawn with a ball of wood (now
made of a composite material). It is rolled with the attempt to make it stop as
near as possible to another ball. Hence the term ‘bowling on the green.’ The
point is not that the game was an immoral pastime, but unlawful on the Lord’s
day. The consensus of Puritan thinking on Sabbath recreations is represented by
John Wells. Recreations on a Sabbath day "are impediments to duty…. Now how this
should be otherwise, is not easily discernible; so do not recreations posses the
mind, divert the intention, withdraw from spiritual duties, hinder the service
of Christ, and fill the heart with froth and vanity?" John Wells, The Practical
Sabbatarian (London, 1668), p. 28. Calvin’s view is similar.
[4] This is not the only Sabbath related tale that has persisted. Unfortunately,
the bowling anecdote is not as easily dismissed as the false accusation that
Calvin once had a consultation about changing the Lord’s Day to Thursday.
However, even the fact that Calvin’s own words disprove this myth has not
stopped it from being repeated as frequently as the bowling tale. See page *.
[5] J. N. Andrews, History of the Sabbath and First Day of the Week (Steam Press
of The Seventh Day Adventist Publishing Association, 1873).
[6] The Market Day of the Soul, p. 5.
[7] Tom Schwanda refers to Primus as "perhaps the most articulate and scholarly
Reformed historian writing on the Sabbath today." Unforced Rhythms of Grace, p.
15.
[8] John H. Primus, "Calvin and the Puritan Sabbath: A Comparative Study," in
Exploring The Heritage Of John Calvin: Essays In Honor Of John Bratt, ed. David
E. Holwerda (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1976), pp. 40-75. Holy Time. Moderate
Puritanism and the Sabbath (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1989). Also,
"Sunday: The Lord’s day as a Sabbath – Protestant Perspectives on the Sabbath,"
in The Sabbath in Jewish and Christian Tradition, ed. Tamara C. Eskenezi, Daniel
J. Harrington, S. J., and William H. Sher (New York: Crossroads, 1991).
[9] Exploring the Heritage, pp. 68-69.
[10] Ibid. See The sermons of M. John Calvin upon the fifth booke of Moses
called Deuteronomie, translated out of the French by Arthur Golding (London,
1583), pp. 204-205.
[11] David S. Katz, Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth Century England (E.
J. Brill, 1988), p. 4.
[12] Robert Cox, The Whole Doctrine of Calvin about the Sabbath (Edinburgh,
1860), p. 91. Cox’s three works on the Sabbath are discussed later in this
article. See page *.
[13] Rousas John Rushdoony, The Institutes of Biblical Law. A Chalcedon study,
with three appendices by Gary North (Nutley, NJ: Craig Press, 1973), p. 825.
Sabbatarians are by no means justified in ignoring "facts." But neither should
anti-Sabbatarian authors rely on unsubstantiated rumor. It may be that there is
ignorance on both sides of the Sabbath question regarding this tale. Or could it
be that Sabbatarian scholars simply have not placed much weight in what amounts
to hearsay? The very precise Scottish historian David Hay Fleming rejected it as
fiction nearly 90 years ago (see page *).
[14] Christopher Hill, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England (New
York: Schocken, 1967), p. 170.
[15] North, ibid. p. 827.
[16] Murray’s letter itself was not an apologetic for the position, but merely a
passing expression of it. He was writing on the topic of subscription to the
Westminster Standards, and on the doctrine of the Sabbath as it related to that
question. In closing he wrote, "One more word, Mr. Editor. I am convinced that
Calvin’s view of the Sabbath has been seriously misrepresented for lack of care
in examining the totality of his teaching and proper analysis in this light of
his statements in the Institutes. But, in any case, one wonders what Calvin’s
view has to do with the adoption of standards in terms of a formula which he did
not frame?" The Presbyterian Guardian, June 1969, p. 85-86.
[17] Collected Writings of John Murray, vol. 1. (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth,
1976), p. 217-18. The reading list presented by Murray on these pages includes
anti-Sabbatarian works, Sabbatarian works, and at least one book by a Seventh
day Adventist.
[18] M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1939), pp. 442-450.
[19] See below, page *. Knappen also errs in accepting the anti-Sabbatarian spin
put to the supper party Knox had with Randolph. Ibid. p. 447. See below, page *.
[20] Ibid. p. 170-171.
[21] In one instance, Hill cites within two pages of a very clear statement to
this effect by George Hakewill. See page .
[22] Hill’s footnote reads: "The practice of Geneva was quoted against excessive
Sabbatarianism, e.g. by Laud (Works, II, pp. 252-5); by the translator of John
Prideaux’s The Doctrine of the Sabbath (1634), in his Preface (Sig. B3); and of
course by Heylyn,* History of the Presbyterians, p. 27. Cf. Marchant, The
Puritans and the Church Courts in the Diocese of York, p. 37. Lady Brilliana
Harley thought that it was because Calvin "was so earnest in opposing the popish
holy days that he entrenched upon the holy Sabbath" (Letters, p. 63). Baxter was
also a little uneasy in his attempts to explain away Calvin’s and Beza’s laxness
(Works, XIII, p. 451). Aylmer played bowls on Sunday afternoons. The practice
was defended by Bishop Cooper in his Admonition, pp. 43-4." *It is unclear why
Hill phrased this as he did, as the translator of Prideaux and Heylyn are one
and the same (Gilfillan, p. 120). The wording regarding the alleged Sabbath
practices of Geneva are practically the same in the Prideaux preface and
Heylyn’s History of the Sabbath, his geographies, and his History of the
Presbyterians.
[23] Hill is obviously referring to Baxter as one of those "worried" by the
practice of Geneva. But whether "worry" is the proper term, the reader may judge
from the quote provided later in this paper (see below, page *). What the
literature surveyed here actually demonstrates is that the Puritans were not
worried about Calvin’s practice, rather they used his teaching from Deuteronomy
to refute the appeals made to the alleged looser practice of Geneva of the late
16th century.
[24] Ronald A. Marchant, The Puritans and the Church Courts in the Diocese of
York, 1560-1642 (London, 1960), p. 35, 37.
[25] Nicholas Bownd, Sabbathum Veteris et Novi Testamenti (London, 1606), p.
202-204. Bownd allows for the appropriate dressing of meat, as does Twisse, The
Morality of the Fourth Commandment (1641), p. 29.
[26] Letters of the Lady Brilliana Harley, Wife of Sir Robert Harley … with
introduction and notes by Thomas Taylor Lewis, A.M. (London: Printed for the
Camden Society, 1854).
[27] Ibid, p. 63.
[28] Richard Baxter is one instance of this. See page *.
[29] Hill, p. 210. Gilfillan wrote regarding this accusation: "A charge, which
was not even attempted to be sustained by a particle of evidence, and yet still
figures in anti-Sabbatic works…" Gilfillan, p. 415.
[30] "To the Segneurs of Berne, Lausanne, March 1555." Letters of John Calvin,
edited by Henry Beveridge and Jules Bonnet (Presbyterian Borad of Publication,
1858), volume 3, p. 165. This was one of the lies spread by Jerome Bolsec in his
"violently abusive" life of Calvin, Histoire de la Vie, Maeurs, etc., de Jean
Calvin (Lyons, 1577). It is doubtful that Calvin had a desire to change the
Lord’s day to Thursday (rather than Friday) in light of this statement. See
criticism of Pocklington’s worth as an author below under 17th century. Heylyn
also repeated this Sunday to Thursday accusation, spread by one John Barclay.
Twisse seriously questioned the veracity of this man. Morality of the Fourth
Commandment (1641), p. 35. Cox, perhaps disappointed that it had no firmer
verification, and apparently ignorant of Calvin’s letters, wrote: "A story has
long been current that Calvin once had consultation about transferring the
dominical solemnity to the Thursday. Quite consistently with his doctrine in the
Institutes, this might well have happened under some provocation from the "false
prophets" whom he there stigmatizes; but I find no earlier or weightier
authority for the statement than that of John Barclay, a Roman Catholic writer
in the reign of James I." Whole Doctrine, p. iv
[31] John T. McNeill, The History And Character Of Calvinism (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1954), p. 233. Quoits is sort of like horseshoes.
[32] Emile Doumergue, Jean Calvin, les hommes et les choses de son temps, 7 vols
(Lausanne, 1899-1927). It is a significant mark against this tale that
Doumerguer does not mention it.
[33] Williston Walker, John Calvin, the Organizer of Reformed Protestantism,
1509-64 (New York, 1906), pp. 433, 434.
[34] Joannis Calvini Opera quae supersunt omnia, eds. G. Baum, E. Cunitz, E.
Reuss, volume 23 (Brunsvigae: C. A. Schwetschke, 1879). Vie de Calvin par
Théodore de Bèze et Nicolas Colladon, pp. 109, 113.
[35] Ibid, p. 547. Doumerguer is referencing Opera, v. 21, p. 113. The author
thanks Michael Dolberry for providing French translation for this article.
[36] Raymond Andrew Blacketer, John Calvin’s Doctrine of Christian Liberty and
Some Implications for Pastoral Care: A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Calvin
Theological Seminary for the Degree of Master of Theology, May, 1992, pp.
135-137.
[37] Isaac Disraeli (1766-1848) Commentaries of the life and reign of Charles I
(London, 1828-31, 5 vols.).
[38] Critical Reviews Relating Chiefly to Scotland, "Knox in the Hands of the
Philistines" (London, 1912), pp. 190-192.
[39] Hay Fleming refers to James Augustus Hessey’s Sunday, Its Origin, History,
and Present obligations considered in eight lectures (London, 1860). pp. 270.
[40] Disraeli, Ibid. v. 3, pp. 354-355.
[41] [Footnote from Disraeli] The passage is in the Institutes, lib. ii. c.
viii. sect. 34. "Crassa, carnaliue Sabbatismi Superstitione, Ter. Judeos
superant," or as he has given it in his own translation of the Institute, "Ceux
qui la suivent surmontent les Juifs en opinion charnelle du Sabbath." Calvin
would observe Sunday, as a fixed day for assembling for religious communion, but
divested of all Judaism; not that there is any distinction between days, but the
appointment of a particular one is convenient, that all may meet together. After
divine service all are free, and he reprobates those who have imbued the poor
populace with Judaic opinions, and deprived the working classes of their
recreations. ["And deprived the working classes of their recreations" is clearly
an unwarranted extrapolation from this passage in the Institutes. Like many who
mistake Calvin on this subject, Disraeli is ignorant of the statements in the
Deuteronomy sermons.]
[42] [Footnote from Disraeli] Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, fol. 5.
[43] [Footnote from Disraeli] Thomas Warton in his first edition of Milton’s
juvenile poems observed in a note on the Lady’s speech in Comus – verse 177,
that "It is owing to the Puritans ever since Cromwell’s time that Sunday has
been made in England a day of gravity and severity; and many a staunch observer
of the Rites of the Church of England little suspects that he is conforming to
the Calvinism of an English Sunday." In Warton’s second edition this note was
wholly cancelled. It had probably given offence to heads unfurnished with their
own national history; thus are popular errors fostered. There was too an error,
and one our critic and poet, not versed probably in Ecclesiastical history,
might have easily fallen into, when he ascribed to Calvin, the melancholy
institution of Knox’s Sabbath. Calvin himself was adverse to it. The Scottish
Presbyterian who so eagerly embraced the horrible theology of Calvin, as if that
were not sufficiently mortifying to man, dropped the only part which might
soften the cares of human life, and added to the gloom of Calvinism the ascetism
of the most rigorous Sabbath. Warton having discovered himself surrounded by so
many difficulties, and having unintentionally offended the false delicacy of
some, in despair seems to have given up the note altogether, which however only
required a very minute correction.
[44] [Footnote from Disraeli] Pocklington’s Sermon Sunday no Sabbath, 1636.
[Among the clear evidence for Disraeli’s biased writing is his placing such
weight on Pocklington. "In 1640, the Long Parliament committed a blunder, to say
the least, when it condemned the Sermon, with the Altare Christianum, another
product of the doctor’s pen, to be publicly burnt … a fate inappropriate to
performances which otherwise would have found their way to their native
obscurity." James Gilfillan, The Sabbath viewed in the light of Reason,
Revelation, and History, with Sketches of its Literature (New York, [1862]), p.
133.]
[45] 15. On the Sabbatical Institutions. 16. Of the Observation of the Sabbath
Upon Sundays. 17. The Cause of the Revival by Charles the First, of "the Book of
Sports" for recreations on Sundays. Disraeli’s relating of the bowling incident
occurs in chapter sixteen.
[46] Disraeli, v. 3, pp. 252-268. "In the novel democracy of the Consistory of
Calvin, Ministers and Laics sat together. Calvin flattered the weakness of human
nature by the appearance of a political equality. But the whole system was a
delusion, for the tyrannical genius of its inventor first deprived man of his
free-will. The Apostle of Geneva by the bewitching terror of his dogmatic
theology had enthralled his followers for ever, by a mysterious bondage of the
mind; out of which no human argument could ever extricate them – an immutable
necessity! The dark imagination of the subtilizing divine had presumed to scan
the decree of Omnipotence, as if the Divinity had revealed to his solitary ear
the secret of the Creation. He discovers in the holy scriptures, what he himself
has called "a most horrible decree." Who has not shuddered at the fume of the
distempered fancy of the atrabilarious Calvin?" Ibid., pp. 257-258. "The
exterior parity of this new Democracy, so seductive to the vulgar, was a no less
cruel delusion. In Calvin’s mingled Republic of Presbyters and Elders, the
Elders, annually chosen, trembled before their sacred Peers, who being permanent
residents had the Elders at all times under their eye and their inquisitorial
office. When the Presbyterial government was set up in England, Clarendon
observed that the Archbishop of Canterbury had never so great an influence as
Dr. Burgess and Mr. Marshall, nor did all the Bishops in Scotland together so
much meddle in temporal affairs as Mr. Henderson. … The same fertile genius
which had made "our Father in Heaven" a human tyrant, and raised the mortal
criminal into beatitude, now invested his own Levites and his own "Rulers of the
Synagogue" with supremacy. In this new Papacy, as in the old, they inculcated
passive obedience, armed as they were with the terrors of excommunication. The
despotism of Rome was transferred to Geneva. All was reversed, but the nucleus
of power had only removed its locality." Ibid., pp. 258-260. "The fervid
diligence of this extraordinary man was commensurate with the vastness of his
genius. His life was not protracted; he was a martyr to constant bodily pain,
and the physical sufferings of the man are imagined to have shown themselves in
the morose and vehement character of the legislator. The purity of doctrine, in
some part at least, consisted in dethroning bishops; denuding ministers of the
sacerdotal vestments, and banishing from the religious service, all the
accessories of devotion. Calvin seems to have imagined that man becomes more
spiritualized in the degree he ceases to be the creature of sensation and of
sympathy, as if the senses were not the real source of our feelings. But as he
who is reckless of his own life is master of every other man’s, so the great
hermit of reformation, who disdained all personal interests, seemed to think and
to act only for the world." Ibid., pp.262-263.
[47] As said in the introduction, if Disraeli meant that the bowling tale was
"merely" an oral tradition, there may be no traceable record of its origin.
[48] Cox believed the day was purely for rest and recreation. He writes, "As
before observed, the sole purpose of the fourth commandment was the refreshment
of labouring men and animals among the Jews and their proselytes. Cessation from
work being in all cases indespensible for the end in view, while other means of
refreshment could not be invariable, this cessation alone was prescribed; and
the purpose of the institution having been clearly made known by the lawgiver,
he left each Israelite to determine for himself how the day might be most
suitably employed for the invigoration of the exhausted frame." Sabbath Laws, p.
420. Gilfillan closed out his survey of the Scottish Sabbath literature by
referring to recent anti-Sabbatic writers. The "singular list of Scottish
Anti-Sabbatic writers is closed with … a voluminous publication [obviously
referring to Sabbath Laws]… and The Whole Doctrine… by the already named Mr.
Cox.
[49] "What a disciplinarian Calvin was, and how he laboured by unwearied
preaching and writing to enlighten and reform the Genevese, while on him "came
the care of all the churches," we need not say. But he has not received the
credit due to him as a friend of the Sabbath. Partial extracts from his notices
of the subject have been industriously circulated, while care has not been shown
to set forth such passages as the following: ‘It is for us to dedicate ourselves
wholly to God, renouncing our feelings and all our affections; and then, since
we have this external ordinance, to act as becomes us, that is, to lay aside our
earthly affairs, so that we may be entirely free to meditate on the works of
God’ [Ser. 34, Deut 5] ‘The Sabbath is the bark of a spiritual substance, the
use of which is still in force, of denying ourselves, of renouncing all our own
thoughts and affections, and of bidding farewell to one and all of our own
employments, so that God may reign in us, then of employing ourselves in the
worship of God.’ … And as he excludes secular labour, so also worldly
recreations: ‘If we employ the Lord’s day to make good cheer, to sport
ourselves, to go to games and pastimes, shall God in this be honoured? Is it not
a mockery? Is not this an unhallowing of his name?’" Gilfillan, p. 408-409.
[50]" Although Calvin’s Sermons on Deuteronomy did not appear till 1567, three
years after his death, and profess merely to have been "faithfully gathered word
for word as he preached them in open pulpit," I see no reason to doubt the
accuracy of the reporter, a French refugee named Dennis Ragueneau or Raguenier,
who was employed by deacons of the church at Geneva to commit them to writing.
The two sermons on the Fourth Commandment as given in Deut. 5:12-15, not only
coincide perfectly in doctrine with Calvin’s own writings, but are unmistakably
Calvinian in their style and flavor. Nevertheless, Mr. Gilfillan ought to have
mentioned that they were not published by the preacher himself, nor are included
in the collective editions of his works."
[51] The Literature of the Sabbath Question, vol. 1., pp. 386-387. Not much time
after this, a new standard collection of Calvin’s works was begun which would
eventually include the sermons. Much of Cox’s statement here is merely an
attempt to excuse himself from the omission in his previous book. He
acknowledges the sermons are Calvin’s, but then seems to imply they should have
less standing, as they were not issued under Calvin’s own hand. Since he
recounts the employing of Raguenier, he must or should have known the level of
importance attached to these sermons by Calvin’s hearers. Calvin would certainly
not have regarded his preaching as less important than his other productions. As
Harold Dekker writes: "It is one of the anomalies of history that John Calvin
has become best known as a systematic theologian in spite of the fact that he
considered himself to be first of all a preacher. He believed that his sermons,
not the Institutes, were his most important contribution. Although he did serve
as a part-time lecturer in theology, this was for him always a secondary role.
He looked upon himself primarily as a pastor." Sermons on Job by John Calvin,
selected and translated by Leroy Nixon, Introductory Essay, (Grand Rapids: Wm.
B. Eerdmans, 1952)p. ix.
[52] Cf. Cox’s statement regarding the myth that Calvin once had a consultation
about changing Lord’s day observance from Sunday to Thursday. The Whole Doctrine
of Calvin, p. iv. Cox, as determined as he is for Sabbath recreations, and for
finding approval of them in the Reformers, does not recount the bowling tale in
his three books on the subject. See Literature of the Sabbath, p. 127; Sabbath
Laws, p. 124. It is not clear, whether this is from ignorance or from concern
not to use something so lacking in documentation. The latter is likely.
[53] "I have already referred to the statement of D’Israeli, which has been
ignorantly repeated by other English writers, that Knox was the father of the
Sabbatarian doctrine…" The Literature, p. 469.
[54] Sabbath Laws, p. 124. The Literature, p. 466, 468. Cf. Gilfillan, p.
463-464.
[55] Works: Presbyterian’s Armoury. Notes of Debates and Proceedings of The
Assembly of Divines and Other Commissioners at Westminster, edited by David
Meeks (Edinburgh:Robert Ogle and Oliver and Boyd: 1846), p. 102.
[56] Laud is following his defender Heylyn (who is examined later in this
article), who first uttered this defense in his anti-Sabbath productions of the
1630s. It cannot be ruled out that Goodwin may simply be making the same kind of
unjustified extrapolation from the general practice of Geneva that later men
have made, perhaps being unfamiliar with Calvin’s Sermons on Deuteronomy.
However, this seems unlikely, as the appeal to the general practice of Geneva,
as well as Calvin’s sermons, were well known even before the time of the
Westminster Assembly. Helylyn’s comments were certainly known, as he appears to
have been the main anti-Sabbatarian author to answer once the publishing ban was
lifted.
[57] Nicholas Bownd, The Doctrine of the Sabbath, plainely layde forth and
soundly proved (1595). Bownd published a second edition, Sabbathum Veteris et
Novi Testamenti (London, 1606), "now by him a second time perused, and
inlarged...".
[58] With a few exceptions such as Hooper, writings on the fourth commandment
prior to 1583 were generally ambiguous, looking at them from a strictly Puritan
perspective. Gilfillan traces the English literature back to expressions that in
seed form at least, forecast what was to develop into the Puritan view in the
later part of the 16th century. The Sabbath Viewed in the Light of Reason,
Revelation, and History, with Sketches of its Literature (New York: American
Tract Society & New York Sabbath Committee, c. 1862). The Sketches were
reprinted in Anthology of Presbyterian & Reformed Literature, volume 5 (Naphtali
Press, 1992), pp. 209 ff. Anti-Sabbath and Sabbath writers seem to both agree
that Gervase Babington (1551-1610) is the first clearly unambiguous writer to
express what became the "Puritan" view. An Exposition of the Ten Commandments
(1583). However, remarking on this earlier ambiguity, Dennison, echoing
Gilfillan, writes "Yet, I ask, how did it happen that in 1583, Gervase Babington
penned a statement on the fourth commandment which could have passed for a
summary of Nicolas Bownd. In my opinion, the answer is contained in the
underground development of Puritanism via prophesyings, lecturings and the
universities. One must not neglect to weigh the almost certain effect of the
biblical discussions in these Puritan gatherings – gatherings which undoubtedly
touched on the Sabbath discussion…. Consider the fact that the following men,
all of whom later expressed sentiments of a Puritan nature upon the fourth
commandment, at one time attended Cambridge University – the ‘nursery’ of
Puritanism: John Knewstub, Edward Dering, William Perkins, Richard Stubbes,
Gervase Babington, William Fulke, Andrew Willet." Market Day of the Soul, p.
15-16.
[59] Nicolas Bownd, ibid. George Estey, Certain and learned Expositions upon
divers parts of Scripture (London, 1603), which includes the earlier, A Most
Sweet and comfortable exposition upon the ten commandments (London, 1602). John
Dod and Robert Cleaver, An Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1603, 19th
edition, 1635). William Greenham, Treatise of the Sabboth, in Works (London,
1604); George Widley, Doctrine of the Sabbath, handled in Four Severall Bookes
or Treatises (London, 1604); John Sprint, Propositions tending to prove the
necessary Use of the Christian Sabbath, or Lord’s Day (London, 1607); Andrew
Willet, Hexapla in Genesis (1608). Lewes Bayly, The Practice of Piety, third
edition (1613). Lewes Thomas, A Short Treatise upon the Commandments, in seven
sermons or exercises of seven sabbaths (London, 1615). Edward Elton, An
exposition of the ten commandments of God (London, 1623), an update of A plain
and easy exposition of six of the commandments (1619).
[60] Hamon L’Estrange, God’s Sabbath before, under the law and under the Gospel
(Cambridge, 1641). George Hakewill, A short but cleare discovrse of the
institution, dignity, and end of the Lords-day (London, 1641). Richard Bernard,
A threefold treatise of the Sabbath (London, 1641). William Twisse, The Morality
of the Fourth Commandment (1641). William Gouge, The sabbaths sanctification
(London, 1641). John Ley, Sunday a Sabbath (London, 1641). George Abbot,
Vindiciae sabbathi, or, An answer to two treatises of Master Broads (London,
1641). John Lawson, For the Sabbath (London, 1644). Daniel Cawdrey, Herbert
Palmer, Sabbatum Redivivum: or the Christian Sabbath Vindicated in a full
discourse concerning the Sabbath, and the Lord’s Day. Four Parts (1645, 1652,
1652, 1652). John White, A way to the tree of life … A digression, the morality
and perpetuity of the Fourth Commandment (London, 1647). Giles Collier,
Vindiciae thesium de Sabbato, or, A vindication of certain passsages in a sermon
… unjustly subjected by Edward Fisher (London, 1653). William Prynne, The works
of William Prynne… a polemical desertation, of the inchoation and determination
of the Lord’s day Sabbath (London, 1655). Thomas Shepard, Theses Sabbaticae, or,
The doctrine of the Sabbath (London, 1655). Thomas Chafie, The seventh-day
Sabbath (London, 1657). James Ussher, The judgment of the late Archbishop of
Armagh … Of the Sabbath, and observation of the Lords day (London, 1658). John
Wells, The practical Sabbatarian (London, 1668). Richard Baxter, The divine
appointment of the Lords day (London, 1671). John Owen, Exercitations concerning
the name, original, nature, use, and continuance of a day of sacred rest (London
2nd edition, 1671). This is part of Owens commentary on Hebrews. Thomas Young,
Dies dominica. The Lords-day … (London, 1672). A Latin version was published
anonymously in 1639. Nathanael Homes, An essay concerning the Sabbath (London,
1673). John Wallis, A defense of the Christian Sabbath, part one (Oxford, 1692).
Benjamin Keach, The Jewish Sabbath abrogated, or, The Saturday Sabbatarians
confuted (London, 1700).
[61] Robertus Loeus, Effigiatio Veri Sabbathisimi (1605). Thomas Rogers,
"Preface" to Catholic Doctrine of the Church (1607, 1625). The Declaration for
Sports on the Lord’s Day (1618). Thomas Broad, Three Questions on the Fourth
Commandment (1621). John Prideaux, The doctrine of the Sabbath: Delivered in the
act at Oxon, anno, 1622. Now translated into English for the benefit of the
common people [by Peter Heylyn] (London, 1622). Edward Brerewood, A learned
treatise of the Sabbath … written to Mr. Nicholas Byfield .. with Mr. Byfields
answere and Mr. Brerewoods reply. (Oxford, 1630). Edward Brerewood, Treatise on
the Sabbath (1632). Second Declaration of Sports (1633). Peter Heylyn, History
of the Sabbath (1635). Francis White, Treatise of the Sabbath (1635). John
Pocklington, Sunday no Sabbath (1635). Robert Sanderson, A Soverign Antidote
Against Sabbatharian Errors (1636). David Primerose, A Treatise of the Sabbath
and the Lord’s Day (1636). Christopher Dow, A Discourse of the Sabbath and the
Lord’s Day (1636). Gilbert Ironside, Seven Questions of the Sabbath (1637).
Peter Heylyn, Brief and Moderate Answer … of Henry Burton (1637). Edward Fisher,
A Christian caveat to the old and new sabbatarians (London, 1652). Thomas
Grantham, The seventh day Sabbath ceased as ceremonial (London, 1667).
[62] For a general survey of the Sabbath and anti-Sabbath literature of the 17th
century, see the books by Cox and Gilfillan previously mentioned. Also see
Dennison’s Market Day of the Soul. Dennison remarks (p. 119) "From mid-century,
the Puritan treatises are, in the main, directed to their antagonists on the
right, i.e. the Seventh-day Sabbatarians."
[63] Aerius redivivus, or, The History of the Presbyterians… (Oxford, 1670).
[64] John Prideaux, The doctrine of the Sabbath: Delivered in the act at Oxon,
anno, 1622. Now translated into English for the benefit of the common people [by
Peter Heylyn] (London, 1622). Translator’s preface, page 10-11 (unnumbered).
[65]An historicall description of the most famous kingdomes and common-weales in
the worlde. : Relating their scituations, manners, customes, ciuill gouernment,
and other memorable matters. / Translated into English and enlarged, with
addition of the relation of the states of Saxony, Geneua, Hungary and Spaine; in
no language euer before imprinted (London, 1601; 2nd Edition, 1603). Translated
by Robert Johnson from Giovanni Botero’s Le relationi universali (first
published in Rome, 1591), pp. 88-89.
[66] George Abbot, A brief description of the whole world (London, 1642). Samuel
Clarke, A geographical description of all the countries in the known world
(London, 1671). Pierre Duval, Geographia universalis, The present state of the
whole world (London, 1685). George Meriton, A geographical description of the
world (London, 1679). Meriton seems to have relied on Johnson, but does not make
mention of the Lord’s day practices in Geneva.
[67] Duval, ibid, p 273.
[68] Clarke, ibid, p. 210
[69] Microcosmus. Cosmographie in four books (London, 1657). Microcosmos, a
little description of the great world (Oxford, 1631).
[70] Heylyn, A little description of the great world, p. 134.
[71] Heylyn, Cosmographie in four bookes, p. 140.
[72] "And so we have the true beginning of the Genevian discipline, begotten in
Rebellion, born in sedition, and nursed up by faction…. Being born into the
world by the means aforesaid, some other helps it had to make it acceptable and
approved of in other churches. As first, the great content it gave to the common
people, to see themselves intrusted with the weightiest matters in religion, and
thereby an equality with, if not (by reason of their number, being two for one)
a superiority above their ministers. Next, the great reputation which Calvin for
his diligence in writing and preaching had attained unto, made all his dictates
as authentic amongst some divines, as ever the Pope’s ipsi dexit in the church
of Rome. Whereby it came to pass, in a little time that only those churches
which embraced the doctrines and discipline authorized by Calvin were called the
Reformed churches." Cosmographie, p. 139. After complaining that what Calvin
recommended for polity, Beza made necessary upon all churches, he writes: "By
means whereof their followers in most of the Reformed churches drove on so
furiously, that rather than their discipline should not be admitted, and the
Episcopal Government destroyed in all the churches of Christ, they were resolved
to depose kings, ruin kingdoms, and to subvert the fundamental constitutions of
all civil states." Ibid, p. 140.
[73] James Ussher, The judgment of the late Archbishop of Armagh (London, 1658).
[74] Andrew Le Mercier, The church history of Geneva, in five books. As also a
political and geographical account of that republick (Boston, 1732).
Geographical Account, p. iv.
[75] Jacob Spon, The history of the city and state of Geneva (London, 1687). As
far as a quick perusal allowed, Spon does not mention the training practices of
Geneva. This would seem to be a personal account by Le Mercier.
[76] Ibid, p. 14.
[77] Dort had taken some steps to correct abuses. "The delegates from Zealand
raised the question by asking advice on the theology of the Sabbath. As a result
of this request, the Synod issued what are sometimes known as the six points of
Dort. These six points were issued by Dort as a provisional statement, but they
remain the foundational position of Dutch Calvinism." "Basically Dort taught
that Sunday has replaced Saturday as the day ‘solemnly hallowed by Christians,’
and that Sunday ‘must be so consecrated to worship that on that day we rest from
all servile works, except those which charity and present necessity require; and
also from all such recreations as interfere with worship.’" W. Robert Godfrey,
"No Time for Nostalia," The Outlook, July/Aug. 1990. Cawdrey wrote: "And now for
the Calvinian Churches, we think it very unreasonable that their practice should
be produced against us, which cannot but be condemned by them that bring it. For
first, whereas they have no public service in the afternoon in some places
(which is false of Geneva, as we are credible informed) but leave it at large to
labor or pleasure, we ask, do they do well in so doing? Did not themselves see
the error, when at the last Synod at Dort, they set up Catechism, Lectures in
the afternoon; and resolved to implore the civil magistrate, that they would
restrain all servile work, games, drinking matches, and other profanations of
the Sabbath?" Sabbatum Redivivum, part 3, p. 652-653.
[78] "And as for the exercises here mentioned, I find them to fall wondrously
short, of that which the author avouches, as namely, that they esteem the
Sabbath to lie open to all honest exercises and lawful recreations; for I make
no question but in this Prefacer’s opinion there are far more exercises and
lawful recreations than that of shooting which alone is here mentioned…" Twisse,
Morality of the Fourth Commandment, p. 147.
[79] "Neither do I find that the exercises here mentioned are so much
accommodated to the refreshing of the mind and quickening of the spirit; as to
make their bodies active and expedite in some functions which may be for the
service of the commonwealth. And lately upon inquiry hereabout I have received
information, that at Geneva, after evening prayer, only the youth do practice
shooting in guns to make them more ready, and expert for the defense of the
city, which is never out of danger." Ibid.
[80] Twisse, Ibid, 147-148.
[81] Hakewill is a more moderate Puritan when it comes to holy days. But he
argues very strongly against labor and recreation on the Lord’s day. "… That
unlawful recreations may not be used on that day, no Christian, I think, will
deny, since they may not be used on any days; so as all the doubt is touching
lawful recreations, whereof some also there are, which I think no man will
affirm to be lawfully used on the Lord’s day, as hawking, hunting, and the like,
which are not unlawful in themselves, but unlawful on that day because it is the
Lord’s day. And so other recreations; if bodily labor, which on other days is
not only lawful, but necessary, be forbidden because it is the Lord’s day,
methinks by the same reason, even lawful recreations should be forbidden on the
same day, as tending no less to the violating of that day than bodily labor. If
on that day I may not sow or not reap, nor carry my corn, no, not in the most
uncertain and catching weather, though it carries a fair show of keeping those
precious fruits of the earth from spoiling which God of his goodness has sent
me, shall I presume to use those recreations on that day, which commonly end in
the abuse of those good blessings? Manlike exercises are, doubtless, very
requisite, but considering the number of other holy days in our church (under
favor spoken) I see no necessity of putting them in practice on the Lord’s day,
nor of ranking the Lord’s day, with other holy days." George Hakewill, A short
but cleare discovrse of the institution, dignity, and end of the Lords-day
(London, 1641), p. 28-29.
[82] Ibid, p. 29.
[83] Richard Baxter, The divine appointment of the Lord’s day (London, 1671),
pp. 127-128.
[84] Doumerguer, vol. 3, pp. 539-540. "During his stay in Strasbourg, at the
time of a sort of students’ revolt, without wishing to sacrifice the rights of
discipline, he says, ‘Truly, I see, one must have some indulgence for human
folly, and must not push rigor (rigidity) to the point of no longer allowing
them here and there the right to make some mistakes.’ Will we say, he spoke thus
in 1539? Here then in 1546. It has to do with theater and representations which
some pastors violently oppose. Spirits are very over excited. Calvin,
personally, would be for tolerance (see below). But he does not separate from
his colleagues, and asks that there be not an approbation of pastors.
Nevertheless, he is not opposed to the Council using leniency: ‘for, he says,
one cannot refuse all diversions to the people.’" Translated from the French by
Michael Dolberry.
[85] Gilfillan, p. 145. "If in the few pages, where he [Baxter] argues against
the formal obligation on Christians of the law of Eden and Sinai, he becomes
weak as other men, and exposes himself to defeat, as well as impairs the
authority and practical rule of the institution…"
[86] Henry Wharton, The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend
Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud (London, 1695-1700), p. 343-344.
"And for the day, I ever labored it might be kept holy, but yet free from a
superstitious holiness. But first, there is no proof offered for this, Secondly,
‘tis impossible: for till the afternoon service and sermon were done; no
recreation is allowed by that book; nor than to any but such as have been at
both. Therefore it could not be done to take it away. Thirdly, the book names
none but lawful recreations. Therefore if unlawful be used, the book gives them
no warrant. And that some are lawful after the public service of God is ended
appears by the practice of Geneva, where after evening prayer, the elder men
bowl, and the younger train."
[87] Daniel Neal, The History of the Puritans (London, 1837), vol. 2, pp.
313-314. "The commons replied, that it was evident, by the archbishop’s letter
to the bishop of Bath and Wells, that the declaration was printed by his
procurement, the warrant for printing it being written all with his own hand,
and without date, and therefore might probably be obtained afterward; moreover,
some of the recreations mentioned in it are unlawful on the Lord’s day,
according to the opinion of fathers, councils, and imperial laws; and though
Calvin differs from our Protestant writers about the morality of the sabbath,
yet he expressly condemns dancing and pastimes on that day. As for his grace’s
own strict observation of the Lord’s day, it is an averment without truth, for
he sat constantly at the council-table on that day; and it was his ordinary
practice to go to bowls in the summer-time, and use other recreations upon it…"
[88] William Prynne, Canterburies doom, or, the first part of a compleat history
of the commitment, charge, tryall, condemnation, execution of William Laud, late
Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1646), p. 504-505. "In Geneva itself (as I
have been credibly informed by travelers) they use shooting in pieces, longbows,
crossbows, muskets, and throwing of bowls too, on the Lord’s day, as well as
before as after sermons ended, and allow all honest recreations without reproof
of their ministers; yea, Mr. Calvin the great professor there, Inst. l. 2. c. 8.
sect. 34, blames those "who infected the people in former ages with a judaical
opinion, that the morality of the fourth commandment, to wit, the keeping of one
day in seven did still continue: which what else is it then in dishonor of the
Jews to change the day, and to affix as great a sanctity to it, as the Jews ever
did. And that those who adhered to their constitution who broached this
doctrine, Crassa carnalique superstitione Judeoster superant: men may be too
strict as well as profane therein. yet I for my part have ever strictly observed
the Lord’s day in point of practice."
[89] A side note refers to Sunday a Sabbath by Ley, and Prynne’s own
Histriomastix.
[90] Ibid, p. 506
[91] John Alymer, A Harbor for Faithful Subjects (Strasburg, 1559). To the great
embarrassment of Alymer, the Martin Marprelate tracts brought this work to the
public eye again in 1589. "Alymer’s defense of the ‘regiment of women’ was not
of the sort to win favor with Elizabeth. His denunciation of the avarice and
corruption of bishops, however, was so outspoken that on that account alone his
preferment in Elizabeth’s establishment was blocked for many years. He reached
at least the Metropolitan see, and became one of the most money-loving
ecclesiastics of his age. We can therefore easily comprehend his wrath against
Marprelate for giving fresh and wide currency to the fierce reforming views
which he entertained in the days of his poverty and exile." William Pierce, The
Marprelate tracts, 1588, 1589, edited with notes historical and explanatory
(James Clarke, 1911). Aylmer’s bowling on the Sabbath figures prominently in the
Marprelate tracts. In his reply to Marprelate, Thomas Cooper (T.C.) writes: "As
for your jesting at the Bishop for bowling upon the Sabbath, you must understand
that the best expositor of the Sabbath, which is Christ, has said, that the
Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath: and man may have his meat
dressed for his health upon the Sabbath, and why may he not then have some
convenient exercise of the body, for the health of the body?" (An Adomonition to
the People of England, 1589), p. 57. No mention is made of Calvin.
[92] John Strype, Life of Bishop Aylmer (Oxford, 1821), pp. 141-142. Lest it
need pointing out, the parallel Aylmer/Cooper draw between proper fixing of food
for health on the Sabbath, and exercise to fit one for the Sabbath is a false
one. For instance, it may be true that a brief walk between services will help
fit someone for the next service. However, playing a game or strenuous exercise,
as both Calvin and the Puritans would stress, distract us from the proper
activities of the Lord’s day.
[93] P. Hume Brown, John Knox (London, 1895, vol. 1, pp. 151-211).
[94] Williston Walker, John Calvin, the Organizer of Reformed Protestantism,
1509-64 (New York, 1906), pp. 433, 434. "Sometimes, chiefly when urged by his
friends, he would play a simple game, quoits, in his garden, or "clef" on the
table in his living room. … But his few recreations were briefly enjoyed."
[95] John Calvin, Harmony of the four last books of Moses (Calvin Translation
Society edition), vol. 2, p. 437
[96] See the various studies of Calvin’s writings on this subject, particularly
the previously cited material by Primus, Gaffin and Dennison. However, Gaffin
did not have access to the Deuteronomy Sermons.
[97] See Beza’s Life of Calvin in Selected Works of John Calvin. Tracts and
Letters Edited by Henry Beveridge and Jules Bonnet (Baker Book House, 1983).
Vol. 1.
[98] Exploring the Heritage, pp. 68-69.